Most
of what riled those who supported Brexit was the open and free movement of
people throughout a borderless Europe, exacerbated by an additional Schengen
vote that further emphasized unrestricted movement. It was a reaction against
migrants moving up and out of a very violent Middle East and white workers from
Eastern Europe (especially Poland) entering the UK in search of jobs. Others
railed at the litany of laws emanating from the European Commission and lower
administrative bodies that seemed to usurp Britain’s rule over itself.
Whatever
the reason, a referendum on June 23, 2016 pushed the UK to invoke Article 50 of
the Treaty on the European Union and announce its withdrawal from the EU,
effective March 29, 2019. A deer-in-the-headlights Britain stood stunned at the
result. Nobody knew what leaving the EU would really mean. The UK owed billions
in unpaid contributions to the EU. Britain had stopped rule-making on economic
issues, since these were now directed out of Brussels, even though the UK was a
powerful voting member. Without EU rules, there was about to be a massive British
void without laws or regulations. Parliament began to struggle on how to move
over regulations that would soon disappear into the British legal system. Which
rules? Which laws? Who was to decide?
Companies
that relied on UK-residency to satisfy European licensing requirements
(particularly relevant in the financial world) or to receive the benefits of
being a UK manufacturer began to open new offices and plants in other European
cities, vacating vast office space holdings in and around London. Europeans who
has relocated to Britain, and Brits who had relocated to continental Europe
realized that their residency status would no longer be automatically affirmed.
Confusion reigned supreme.
UK
Prime Minister Theresa May presides over the very Conservative Party that led
the charge to support Brexit. As time as progressed, May seems to have reached
the conclusion that a hard Brexit, a true and full British separation from the
EU, would result in an economically perilous path with unknown consequences.
Economists have predicted that such a go-it-alone Trumpian strategy would
effectively kill UK growth rates for the near and middle term.
But
the right-wing faction of the Conservative Party looks at a continuation of the
economic bridge between the UK and Europe as precisely what they wanted to end.
Britain would still find its economic issues mired in the EU financial and
legal system, even if such a coordinated effort would create far less
displacement than a clean and radical break. By early July the internal schism
within the Conservatives, moderate soft-Brexit supporters versus right-wing
hard-Brexit advocates, came to a head.
“Prime
Minister Theresa May’s government was plunged into disarray Monday [July 9th]
with the resignation of her flamboyant foreign secretary, Boris Johnson
[pictured above before the June 2016 referendum], who quit in protest of May’s
plans for a so-called soft Brexit, which would maintain close trade ties with
Europe… Such a scenario, Johnson wrote in his resignation letter, could result
in Britain being relegated to ‘the status of a colony’ of the European Union…
The rebellion within her Conservative Party illustrated May’s dire political
weakness less than nine months before the split is to take effect in March.
“Johnson’s
departure came less than 24 hours after that of another key Cabinet member,
David Davis, who was tasked with overseeing Brexit… May says it is crucial to
avoid a ‘hard’ Brexit — a departure from the EU without a deal in place. Such a
scenario could wreak havoc on Britain’s financial sector and the wider economy…
‘This is the Brexit that is in our national interest,’ she told a raucous
session of Parliament shortly after Johnson’s departure was announced by
Downing Street.
“Under
the prime minister’s plan, to which her Cabinet had agreed last week, Britain
would keep close trade ties to the EU and remain subject to some of its
regulatory mechanisms. That prospect set off a wave of anger from those who
considered Brexit a ringing declaration of independence from the bureaucracy in
Brussels… British news reports speculated that the ambitious Johnson might be
readying a challenge to May for the leadership of the party, potentially
setting himself up to become prime minister.
“Backers
of Brexit say May’s plan would hobble Britain’s ability to make trade deals of
its own and leave it subject to the very EU regulations it sought to leave
behind in the referendum vote two years ago… Under the timetable, Britain is to
formally leave the bloc on March 29, 2019. But the negotiations have bogged
down repeatedly as the clock has been running down.
“May’s
party could stage a no-confidence vote if 48 Conservative lawmakers ask for
one. That could become more likely if she loses the backing of more senior
ministers… Before leaving May’s government, Johnson had likened her Brexit
proposal to excrement, using a more vulgar term.
“But
the prime minister may be playing hardball as well. Johnson was still crafting
a resignation statement when May’s office announced he was leaving… The
political blowup [came] just three days before a visit by Trump, who is highly
unpopular in Britain.” Los Angeles Times, July 10th.
Oddly,
Theresa May’s greatest arguments are enhanced by that anti-Trump sentiment that
is rampant all over Europe, especially in the UK. Trump’s isolationism and
confrontational style have seriously alienated many of the same Brits who once
believed in him. While split within the Conservative Party will result in a
battle royal, as only the Brits can mount, the more May links Johnson and his
ilk to Donald Trump, the stronger the likelihood of a soft landing for Brexit.
I’m Peter Dekom, and will a backlash against
hard-Brexit populism prevail in the UK… and will there be a parallel movement
in the United States?
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