Iranians
are loath to be classified as Arabs. They had built massive cities,
state-of-the-art (for that time) infrastructure, and created a deep and most
sophisticated system of urbanization and governance, an agricultural policy
that insure that the nation would be fed and cherished academic subjects and
learning to the highest levels… long, long before the Islamic invasion. They
see themselves as Persians. To this day, Persians (Iranians) cherish education,
a hard work ethic and intellectual achievement more than any Arab state.
The
father of Islam, Muhammad, sought the counsel of a Persian insider, Moid Salman
(descendant of a very noble family), who was captured, enslaved, and then
converted to Islam. Salman passionately believed that Muhammad was indeed the
messenger of God and proceeded to instruct the Muslim armies on Persian weapon
systems and tactics. The Islamic armies deployed their lessons well, and by 651
AD, the Persian Sasanian Empire ended, and Islam
rapidly replaced the local Zoroastrian religion.
Persians
adopted sly ways to rebel against their new Arab masters, adopting a break-away
sect of Islam that, unlike Sunni literal interpretation of the Qur’an, insisted
on a mystical vision that could only be interpreted by the highest cleric in
the land. Such was the Shiite faith which accounts for about 20% of all of
modern Islam but 95% of contemporary Iran. Since the 1979 revolution, Iran has
been vehemently anti-Western, particularly anti-American, and has slowly
rebuilt itself to be a regional Islamic power hell bent on pushing to the top
of the Middle East.
Sunni
powers, notably Saudi Arabia, have funded Sunni causes all over the Middle East
to stand in opposition of Iranian ambitions, especially opposing Iran’s
surrogate Hezbollah fighting force across the region. The debacle in Yemen,
pitting pro-Iranian rebel Houthis against the “legitimate” government has
turned that nation into a failed state with some of the worst death and
destruction on earth.
Sanctions
against Iran’s nuclear program hammered a fragile economy that spent too much
of its GDP in funding Iranian expansionism in the Middle East and building
towards a nuclear weapons capability. Iran watched consumer prices rise and its
currency fall. The economy was in shambles, and consumer confidence
non-existent. Iran cracked and entered into the 2015 six-party nuclear
stand-down accord (the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Regarding the Islamic Republic of
Iran's Nuclear Program” or JCPOA), forsaking further development toward nuclear
weapons for many years.
Yet after most
sanctions were lifted, Iran’s shaky economy did not explode. Oh sure, she sold
some more oil and was able to restore and upgrade her fleet of commercial
airliners through strategic purchases of planes from Boeing ($17B) and Airbus
($19B), and secure vital manufacturing parts for machines long in disrepair.
But the promised
economic resurgence did not happen; most international financial institutions
and vendors were still skeptical about dealing with this still very-anti-Western
Islamic theocracy, where any policy, any law, and any agreement could be
overruled by the leading Ayatollah. Stability was elusive, and local discontent
was beginning to bubble to the surface with open protests. To exacerbate a bad
economic situation, the seemingly now-permanent drought that decimated large
swaths of Iraq and Syria was settling in across very significant parts of Iran
as well. Iran’s currency was anything but strong and stable.
Once
Donald Trump pulled the United States out of the JCPOA on May 8th,
announcing that sanctions (at least from the United States) would resume, the
Iranian currency sputtered and rapidly began to erode, falling to half its
value against the dollar in a matter of months. Ayatollah Khamenei dug his
heels in, but economic protests mounted. Sabre rattling responded to the usual
threatening Trump-tweets. Iran began to flex its muscle, threatening to spike
the global price of oil into unaffordability, by mining the Strait of Hormuz.
Meanwhile,
the European Union, with its key members (UK, France and Germany) still very
much JCPOA signatories, was also beginning to balk at U.S. threats against
European companies who continue to do business with Iran, ignoring the American
sanctions. “The European Union’s foreign policy chief Tuesday [8/7] encouraged
companies to do more business with Iran despite new U.S. sanctions, saying
Tehran had upheld its commitments under the deal to limit its nuclear program.
“Federica
Mogherini told reporters during her trip to Wellington [New Zealand] that it’s
up to Europeans to decide whom they want to trade with… ‘We are doing our best
to keep Iran in the deal, to keep Iran benefiting from the economic benefits
that the agreement brings to the people of Iran because we believe this is in
the security interests of not only our region, but also of the world,’ she
said. ‘If there is one piece of international agreements on nuclear
nonproliferation that is delivering, it has to be maintained.’” Los Angeles
Times, August 8th.
Trump’s
position on enforcing U.S. sanctions on allies who still adhere to their
trading commitments under the JCPOA. “We urge all nations to take such steps to
make clear that the Iranian regime faces a choice: Either change its
threatening, destabilizing behavior and reintegrate with the global economy, or
continue down a path of economic isolation.” The U.S. would enforce those
sanctions against European companies defying the American will.
Iran
was likewise sending a defiant message, perhaps unsustainable. The August 6th The
Cipher Brief noted: “Iran’s
naval exercises in the Strait of Hormuz received close attention in Washington
[at the end of July], as U.S. officials saw it as a show of strength signaling
that Tehran could shut down the waterway if it wanted to do
so. Iranian officials said the exercise was merely part of an annual
training program. The waterway is the most significant oil transport
waterway in the world, with 20% of the world’s oil moving through the narrow
passage.”
Trump recently suggested he would
meet with Iran’s leaders (notably Iran’s President, Hassan Rouhani) with no
preconditions but was rapidly contradicted by his Secretary of State (Mike
Pompeo), who promptly laid out 12 pre-conditions for such a meeting that
everyone knew Tehran could never accept. Who knows what Trump would really do.
But Trump made it clear that he would extend the revised sanctions – which
began on August 7th – to any Western company or nation that defied
these restrictions.
An American company, Boeing,
promptly asked the Department of the Treasury for a waiver of these
restrictions, trying desperately to preserve its $17B sale of aircraft. Lots of
American jobs. European vendors got in line as well. The Trump administration
was anything but encouraging, noting that in November, the export of Iranian
oil would be embargoed as well. Despite Tehran’s threats to resist this
American malevolence, Iran’s economy continued its downward slide, and local
consumer confidence plunged to its lowest level.
Trump
may have a moment, just moment, after letting the Iranian economy
self-destruct, to step in and force Rouhani’s hand. But Ayatollah Khamenei
continues to push back, threatening even Rouhani that he must stand firm
against these evil Americans. Will this result in a military solution? Is
Russia’s new set of agreements with Iran a concern that the West could be
brought into direct military confrontation with Russia? Is there a peaceful
solution? The Iranian people do not want conflict. While they hate America,
they also know that their government has simply failed to counter American
moves, that their lives are almost uniformly hopeless and miserable. Now is the
time for something good to happen, if the rhetoric can cool and calmer heads
address real solutions.
Closing
the Strait, which the US Navy believes it can counter (but a couple of mistakes
and….) could easily trigger a massive spike in oil prices and spark a global
recession, already leaning heavily toward that possibility with Donald Trump’s
ever-escalating trade war. Mid-terms are coming Donald. What’s your plan?
What’s your timing? Can you do this alone?
I’m Peter Dekom, and what could be a
moment for triumph will fade quickly into a difficult-to-break recession if the
cards are not well-played.
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