The
mid-terms are over. The Senate, almost never in doubt given the vast array of
Democratic seats at risk and the very few GOP slots not firmly within
Republican control, belongs to Donald Trump. Anything from treaties to judicial
appointments that requires only Senate approval are his. The House, regardless
of voter restrictions and gerrymandering in red states, belongs to the
Democrats. Expect House committees to launch multiple investigations previously
stifled by Trump’s GOP colleagues, noting also that all appropriations bills
must originate in the House. The country seems poised for increasing gridlock,
polarization on steroids. War is not pretty. The 2020 presidential election is
not that far off, and as Donald Trump rolling rallies prove, the President
never stopped running for office.
But
as this election has illustrated, smaller and smaller margins are determining
the victor in all but the most red/blue committed regions. Segments of voters
who never mattered before, either because they didn’t vote or because their
numbers are so few, clearly made a difference. Social media has empowered tiny
pockets of strange believers to aggregate online to create a hitherto otherwise
small force of voters who have finally made a difference. Donald Trump’s base, a
mixture of angry and displaced blue-collar workers, evangelicals, ultra-right-wing
social conservatives and conspiracy theorists, has proven to be a solid and
almost immutable bloc of his most committed supporters.
Conspiracy
theorists are perhaps the most interesting subset of the Trump base, a breed
apart. They see secret cabals in government (the Q-Anon vs. deep state) and
espouse strange and scientifically unsustainable beliefs (like the
flat-earthers), often believe that MSM (mainstream media) is left wing
collective aimed at toppling Donald Trump and traditional white Christian
American values or that Democrats are recruiting undocumented aliens from
overseas to increase the number of non-white voters favoring liberal diversity
polices.
Back
on August 19th in my Conspiracy
Theories, Right on Q blog, I noted: Until recently, political conspiracy
theorists have mostly arisen from that segment of any population that is out of
political power, attacking the incumbents with dark secrets about how the winners
stole that power from “the people.” Mostly, these people sit on the periphery
of activism and usually do not vote in what they think is a system that will
ignore their choice no matter the election process. But a strange phenomenon
has occurred: today’s dominant conspiracy theorists come from the political
party that controls both houses of Congress, the presidency, and most state
legislatures and governorships. Huh?
It started with an unlikely, highly
illogical, candidate whose political positions shifted like desert sands. To
knock off a substantial flock of Republican presidential wannabes, Donald Trump
instinctively understood that he could not use convention tactics. He needed a
destabilizing political campaign laced with allegations against opponents that
were devastating but unproveable. Like accusing Ted Cruz’ father of having
participated in the assassination of John F Kennedy. Conspiracy theorists
perked up their ears.
They also joined in a chorus of
accusers that fabricated a litany of truly absurd claims against Hillary
Clinton… and Donald Trump knew he had found a force that no presidential
candidate had ever used before. “Lock her up!” they cried. Trump quoted
statements from popular conspiracy theorists, people who had been making a living
as “shock jocks” in the radio world where there were enough listeners to create
a viable ad-supported model, as if they were true. The Internet was born to
support conspiracy theories, and particularly older users – used to believing
what they read in public media without question – were particularly vulnerable.
Beleaguered Trump used conspiracy
theories to dislodge his opponents, one-by-one, with catchy epithets (Lyin’ Ted
Cruz, Crooked Hillary) and totally fabricated statistics that resonated with
this “whacky” conspiracy theory body of people… who actually became voters
again. Trump was the underdog, and the old-line GOP and their “liberal”
Democrats were the enemy, up to dirty tricks and rigging elections. Conspiracy
theorists love underdogs.
But
who are these individuals with such passionate beliefs in the absurd? How do
they wind up so committed to outlandish and easily refutable beliefs, unwilling
to entertain any logical explanation to the contrary? In Volume 10, Number 6,
November 2015, the Journal of the Society for Judgment and Decision-Making
reproduced excepts from an article by Gordon Pennycook,
James Allan Cheyne, Nathaniel Barr, Derek J. Koehler and Jonathan A.
Fugelsang On
the reception and detection of pseudo-profound bullshit: “The Oxford English Dictionary defines bullshit as,
simply, ‘rubbish’ and ‘nonsense,’ which unfortunately does not get to the core
of bullshit…
“What
might cause someone to erroneously rate pseudo-profound bullshit as profound?
In our view, there are two candidate mechanisms that might explain a general
‘receptivity’ to bullshit. The first mechanism relates to the possibility that
some people may have a stronger bias toward accepting things as true or
meaningful from the outset…
“The
second mechanism relates to a potential inability to detect bullshit, which may cause
one to confuse vagueness for profundity.”
In
an article entitled “See
the Threads of Conspiracy Thinking” (reproduced in the November 14th
Lexology.com) citing the
above work, Dr. Ken Broda-Bahm, a
psychologist who helps trial lawyers delve into the psyches of potential jurors,
recently focused on those who held firm conspiracy theory beliefs, tracking
four variables that push (pull?) individuals into such strange theories:
Distrust and Eccentricity
The strongest psychological factor
that accompanies conspiracy thinking is something called “Schizotypy.” It means
interpersonal suspiciousness, social anxiety, and isolation. It characterizes
those who distrust what they’re told, believe that events are controlled by
others, feel ill at ease with the world, and see themselves as “having special
insight into the machinations of these malevolent actors.”…
Belief in a Dangerous World
A second psychological factor
characterizing conspiracy thinking is a belief in a lack of safety. Conspiracy
thinkers are committed to the view that “the world is a dangerous place full of
bad people.” As the authors point out, that is a relatively strange worldview
to adopt because, typically, people will chose a worldview that makes them feel
more comfortable (e.g., a “belief in a just
world” would be at the other end of the
spectrum). Belief in a dangerous world, however, might also add comfort in
providing a ready explanation for everything…
Gullibility… and the Best-Named Psychological Scale Ever
The scale is called “Receptivity to
Bullshit” (Pennycook et al., 2015
[see
above quotes]). Yes, that is the actual, official, academically acknowledged and used
name for this psychological scale, And it is exactly what it sounds like: A
measure of how readily a person will accept something that is meaningless or
unsupported. It is, the authors write, a “tendency to perceive
profundity in nonsensical but superficially meaningful ideas,” or an
“eagerness to seek or find meaning or patterns in ambiguous or random
information.” It is measured by getting reactions to statements that seem
to have come from a random-quote generator: “Wholeness quiets infinite
phenomena,” or “Imagination is inside exponential space time events.”…
Belief in Agency
The final factor, belief in agency,
was found to lack a strong independent connection to conspiracy thinking, with
most of the associated variation being explained by “Receptivity to Bullshit.”
… A belief in agency refers to the psychological tendency to see intention behind actions and events. In
other words, instead of saying “shit happens,” they are more likely to see
purpose, reason, and motives even when, potentially, there aren’t any.
Fake
news is the currency of conspiracy theorists. They manufacture that
disinformation in droves. They reinforce each other with fabricated-“facts”-cited-as-reality,
often vindicated by a quote or a tweet from the President himself based on such
self-reinforcing “fabricated facts” to prove the premise. Circular reasoning
that starts with a manufactured statement that virally achieves “legitimacy”
the more often it is repeated. The sheer volume of viral messages, some repeaters
adding their names to the false statement as if they vetted their “facts,”
continues to validate the false underlying premise. The Russians have mastered
the use of political disinformation, particularly preying on the gullibility of
conspiracy theorists, to destabilize our electoral process, and they are hardly
alone.
Without
fake news, conspiracy theory taken as fact, there is no Donald Trump. But in
the tug of war between the free speech provisions of the First Amendment and
the ability to spread falsehood as fact though social media and ultimately into
traditional media, is American democracy itself threatened when so many voters
no longer vote based on what is real? How do we balance the dictates of free
speech, essential to a modern democracy, with speech that threatens to disable
democracy at its core?
I’m Peter Dekom, and unless we can
begin to solve this conundrum in the immediate future, democracy may in fact
fade into the oblivion of history books forcing all of us to live in a dark
future of plutocracy or autocracy where the few control the rest… with an iron
hand.
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