Millions, no billions, of dollars are pouring into media of
all sorts with a hope that a good campaign will deliver that November 2020
margin of victory candidates need against their opponents. As Russians deploy
their Trump-flavored malware, as each party desperately solicits contributions,
touting the efforts of their other party, as campaigning candidates desperately
attempt to rise above the clutter, there is a real question as to the efficacy
of these efforts. Perhaps the sheer volume of ad campaigns has a much greater
impact than the messages they convey. Are such ads a colossal waste of money?
They do help fill the gap in lost ad revenue from commercial sponsors impacted
by the drop in consumer spending due to the pandemic, but that’s a benefit for
media companies.
If the metrics of a significant university study on the power
of these political ads are correct, there’s real question as to whether or not
such marketing efforts are worth the cost. The study: The small effects of
political advertising are small regardless of context, message, sender, or
receiver: Evidence from 59 real-time randomized experiments by Alexander
Coppock (Department of Political Science, Yale University), Seth Hill (Department
of Political Science, UC San Diego), and Lynn Vavreck (Department of Political
Science, UCLA) published in ScienceAdvances, September 2nd. Here’s the abstract:
Evidence
across social science indicates that average effects of persuasive messages are
small. One commonly offered explanation for these small effects is
heterogeneity: Persuasion may only work well in specific circumstances. To
evaluate heterogeneity, we repeated an experiment weekly in real time using
2016 U.S. presidential election campaign advertisements. We tested 49 political
advertisements in 59 unique experiments on 34,000 people. We investigate
heterogeneous effects by sender (candidates or groups), receiver (subject
partisanship), content (attack or promotional), and context (battleground
versus non-battleground, primary versus general election, and early versus
late). We find small average effects on candidate favorability and vote. These
small effects, however, do not mask substantial heterogeneity even where theory
from political science suggests that we should find it. During the primary and
general election, in battleground states, for Democrats, Republicans, and
Independents, effects are similarly small. Heterogeneity with large offsetting
effects is not the source of small average effects.
In short, as a general rule people
are not persuaded by the messages in political ads. The above study found there
is an impact, but it is not what folks think. “The summary finding from our study
is that, at least in hard-fought campaigns for the presidency, substantial
heterogeneities in the size of treatment effects are not hiding behind small
average effects. Attack and promotional advertisements appear to work similarly
well. Effects are not substantially different depending on which campaign
produced the advertisements or in what electoral context they were presented.
Subjects living in different states or who hold different partisan attachments
appear to respond to the advertisements by similar degrees.” Are just
overthinking our cleverness? Or maybe in tight elections, even that small
difference just might be determinative:
“First, the marginal effect of advertising is small but
detectable; thus, candidates and campaigns may not be wrong to allocate scarce
resources to television advertising because, in a close election, these small
effects could be the difference between winning and losing. Second, the
expensive efforts to target or tailor advertisements to specific audiences
require careful consideration. The evidence from our study shows that the
effectiveness of advertisements does not vary greatly from person to person or
from advertisement to advertisement.” The study.
One of the study’s authors, Alexander Coppock, had this
comment to his study: “‘There’s an idea that a really good ad, or one delivered in
just the right context to a targeted audience, can influence voters, but we
found that political ads have consistently small persuasive effects across a range
of characteristics,’ said Coppock, an assistant professor of political science
in the [Yale] Faculty of Arts and Sciences. ‘Positive ads work no better than
attack ads. Republicans, Democrats, and independents respond to ads similarly.
Ads aired in battleground states aren’t substantially more effective than those
broadcast in non-swing states.’” YaleNews, September 2nd, which
continues:
“The researchers selected ads using
real-time, ad-buy data and news coverage of each week’s most important ads. They
tested ads attacking or promoting Republican candidate Donald Trump and
Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton as well as commercials concerning primary
candidates, such as Republican Ted Cruz and Democrat Bernie Sanders. They
analyzed the ads’ effects on survey respondents across several variables,
including the candidate, party, or political action committee that sponsored
them; whether they were positive or negative in tone; the partisanship of those
viewing the ads; the time to Election Day when they aired; whether they were
viewed in a battleground state or not; and whether they aired during the
primary or general election.
“They found that, on average and
across all variables, the ads moved a candidate’s favorability rating among
respondents only .05 of a point on the survey’s five-point scale, which is
small but statistically significant given the study’s large size, note the
researchers. The ads’ effect on whom individuals intended to vote for was
smaller still — a statistically insignificant 0.007 of a percentage
point.
“Campaigns should carefully consider
efforts to tailor advertisements to specific audiences given that the evidence
shows that ads’ persuasive effects vary little from person to person or from
commercial to commercial, the researchers concluded… The findings do not
demonstrate that political advertising is always ineffective, Coppock said,
noting that the study didn’t analyze the influence of an entire advertising
campaign… ‘TV ads help candidates increase their name recognition among
the public, which is extremely important,’ said Coppock, a resident fellow at
Yale’s Institution for Social Policy Studies and the Center for the Study of
American Politics. ‘Moreover, the effects we demonstrated were small but
detectable and could make the difference between winning and losing a close
election.’”
The dollar flow of money for this
2020 effort is staggering. The September 3rd Forbes presents various
expert analyses on the aggregate expected costs: “Kantar Media CMAG group estimates that
political ads for the 2020 election could reach $6 billion. Group M, a
prominent ad agency, estimates spending for political ads will reach $10 billion, an increase of 59% from the 2016 election
year when an estimated $6.3 billion was spent.
“BIA Advisory Service estimates $6.55 billion will be spent on local political
advertising in 2020, with over-the-air TV receiving the largest share of $3.08
billion – 47% of total political spend in 2020. This represents a potential
16.5% of total local broadcast TV advertising revenue for 2020. Digital media
is forecast for 21% of political ads, cable TV 14% and radio nearly 5%.
“Cross Screen Media and Advertising Analytics
estimates the video ad market for politics will grow by 50% from 2018 to 2020,
reaching a projected $6 billion. The study estimates political advertising will
account for 4-5% of the total video ad dollars and account for 17% of total
growth. Local broadcast TV is expected to get a lion share of the political ad
dollars with stronger ad growth from digital media and local cable.” Whew!
We are unlikely to see any
significant reduction in campaign spending. Which candidate is willing to take
the leap of faith and say, “Hey, I can win without that”? What’s more, the
sheer volume of ads suggests a tsunami of power and support, regardless of the
message. Name recognition alone, particularly in local races where challengers
are rising to attack incumbents, might be worth the effort. But for those big
races, actual events – obvious successes and failures – seem to have more of an
impact than political ads about either. And for diehards in each major
party, the die appears to be cast.
I’m
Peter Dekom, the political soil all around us appears to be pockmarked by the
indentation of well-dug-in heels.
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