Thursday, February 14, 2019
The āSā Word
Letās start with the notion that
there are absolutely no āfree marketā nations on earth, most certainly not the
United States with its mixture of tax-driven incentives and tariff-structured
trade policies. When conservatives wish to trash a policy that they do not
like, they are the first to warn of creeping āsocialismā or the insertion of
ācommunismā to destroy āWestern cultureā or āAmerican values.ā
We fought horrific wars against the
ādomino theoryā of cascading political systems sequentially succumbing to
authoritarian ācommunist regimes,ā fostered by the likes of the Soviet Union,
the Peoplesā Republic of China and Cuba. Vietnam is the most classic example,
but that war was completely sustained on the myth that if we did not stop
communism there, it would take over all of Asia, eventually moving to our shores
as well. Today, itās, āwe would become another Venezuela,ā as if the failings
of an unprepared, corrupt dictator would automatically follow if we adopted
healthcare for all here. Letās look beyond the labels.
Definitions of ācommunismā often embrace violent
class warfare, where the proletariat crushes the oppressive upper class the
money-driven Bourgeois upper-middle-class, decimating landlords and landowners.
In a more purist theory, communism is a system in which
goods are owned in common and are available to all as needed, a theory advocating
elimination of private property. Those purported ācommunistā regimes above were
viewed as necessary precursors to real
communism in the form of dictatorships of the proletariat. True communism never came; the dictatorships
either dissolved or continue into the present day.
Socialism
entails advocating collective or governmental ownership and administration of the
means of production and distribution of goods, often mistaken for
advocating social programs. You could
argue that public education at any level, Social Security and Medicare are
manifestations of creeping socialism, one of the major Republican arguments
against any form of national healthcare, particularly the Affordable Care Act. Or
just social programs. That GOP President Richard Nixon (pictured above)
proposed universal healthcare for all Americans is simply overlooked. Hereās an
excerpt from a speech Nixon made on February 6, 1974:
āThree years
ago, I proposed a major health insurance program to the Congress, seeking to
guarantee adequate financing of health care on a nationwide basis. That
proposal generated widespread discussion and useful debate. But no legislation
reached my desk.ā Still, to this day,
Republicans remain
convinced that if they can attach the āSā word epithet to any policy, they will
continue to be successful in rallying public outrage and rejection against the
proposal.
Try telling that to a college
student, saddled with debt, facing a world of disappearing benefits, jobs
instability and massive job displacement by the accelerating deployment of
sophisticated artificial intelligence (owned, of course, by the one percenters)
in commercial production, distribution and analysis. To younger generations,
even the word āsocialistā seems to have lost its bite, but conservatives keep
trying to use that word to defeat what they hate. We have been here before, as Michael
Hiltzik tells us, writing for the February 14th Los Angeles Times:
āThe term āsocialismā has been
enjoying something of a vogue lately, typically used to describe policies that
were part of American mainstream politics as recently as the 1980sā¦ For
example, listen to Donald Trump, in his State of the Union address on Feb. 5: āHere,
in the United States, we are alarmed by new calls to adopt socialism in our
countryā¦. Tonight, we renew our resolve that America will never be a socialist
country.ā
āThe opening for Trumpās remark was
provided by politicians such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York). She
describes herself as a ādemocratic socialist,ā even though in historical terms
her actual policies are resoundingly moderateā¦ That includes her suggestion
that the wealthy pay their fair share in taxes, say 70% of all income over $10
million a year ā a tax burden on the rich thatās actually much lower than those
of 1981 or the prosperous 1950s, accounting for inflation.
āConservatives have attempted to tack
āsocialismā on policies that today enjoy majority support, such as universal
health coverage (supported by 70.1% of respondents in a recent Reuters/Ipsos
poll ) or free college tuition (supported by 60%).
āThe truth is that the āsocialismā
taunt is among the oldest and most discreditable of political chestnuts. Itās
been used by conservatives to smear Democratic or progressive policies they
donāt like (which is most of them) since the 1930s, more than a decade after
the Socialist Party of America last fielded Eugene V. Debs as a presidential
candidateā¦ Letās take a brief journey down memory lane.
āThe high-water mark of
conservativesā āsocialistā battle cry probably was reached in January 1936,
during a remarkable political event at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, D.Cā¦ This
was a gala dinner sponsored by the American Liberty League, a splinter group of
wealthy business leaders and old-guard Democrats formed in 1934 in opposition
to Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal. The glittering star of the Mayflower
gala was former New York Gov. Al Smith, who had thrown in his lot with the
plutocrats after a distinguished career in which he became an icon of
progressive Democratic politicsā¦Smithās apostasy perplexed and unnerved
Democrats ā after all, FDR, Smithās successor as governor, had been the man who
placed his name in nomination for president at the Democratic convention in
1928 and had bestowed on Smith his nickname, āthe happy warrior.ā
āWhether Smith harbored personal
resentments over the rise of a man who had been his protege, or was merely
dazzled by his rich new friends, he now was at full-scale war with FDR. It was
a delicate moment for the New Deal. FDRās popularity had fallen to about 50%, a
low point. Business was pushing back against his programs. Rooseveltās image as
a traitor to his class was reinforced by his proposed Revenue Act of 1935,
which was openly aimed at the wealthy and was passed largely intact. An attack
on Social Security, enacted in 1935, would become the central theme of the
presidential campaign of Republican Alf Landon in 1936. (Landon got
shellacked.)
āThe Liberty League had a solid
pedigree from the Wall Street wing of the Democratic Party, including John J.
Raskob, a former party chairman and an executive of DuPont. The leagueās board
of directors bristled with DuPont family members and executives of big
corporations such as General Motors. FDR witheringly described the league to
reporters as āan organization that only advocates two or three out of the Ten
Commandmentsā¦. [They] say you shall love God and then forget your neighbor.ā
āRoosevelt struck back at the league
in his State of the Union message in early January 1936, reminding his
listeners that his program had sought āthe adjustment of burdens, the help of
the needy, the protection of the weak, the liberation of the exploited and the
genuine protection of the peopleās property.ā As a result, he said, āwe have
earned the hatred of entrenched greedā¦. [B]ut now ā¦ they seek the restoration
of their selfish power.āā
Trump may not be a āsocialistā by
name, but his notions of government intervention fly in the face of doctrinaire
conservatism and free market policies. Heās not that far off in his positions
from some very left-of-center politicians.
ā[On] trade, many analysts point out,
Trump behaves more like a state-interventionist than a laissez-faire guy. And
he has more in common with the New York congresswoman [Ocasio-Cortez], who like
many progressive Democrats argues for stronger trade rules to protect American
jobs, than with the standard-bearers of his own Republican Party.
Nobodyās arguing that Trump or his
trade policy meet the dictionary definition of socialism, with its
all-encompassing embrace of state planning. But what about a light version,
which demands a greater role for the state in managing trade flows and
intervening in corporate decisions?
āāItās undoubtable that U.S. trade
policy in the last two years has moved toward that type of socialism,ā says
Scott Lincicome, a scholar at the libertarian Cato Institute and one of the
most voluble critics of Trumpās trade policy on social media.ā Shawn Donnan for
the February 14th LA Times. Bumper-sticker politics might work for
the base, but every year there are fewer and fewer Americans who will get
misled by empty slogans, the real fake news of our times. Time simply to reject
labels and look at substance.
Iām Peter Dekom, and if we truly harbor
visions of unifying America, perhaps we need to stop the label wars that always
drive us apart.
Subscribe to:
Post Comments (Atom)
No comments:
Post a Comment