No Title of Nobility shall be granted
by the United States: And no Person
holding any Office of Profit or
Trust under
them, shall, without the Consent of the
Congress, accept of any present, Emolument,
Office,
or Title, of any kind whatever, from
any King, Prince, or foreign State.
ARTICLE I, SECTION 9, CLAUSE 8
of the
Constitution of the united
States of America
We have a system of government that
imposes strict conflict of interest requirements, with lots of reporting and
disclosure obligations, on virtually every federal employee and vendor. Except
the President of the United States. The only exception, the only limitation
imposed on the president, is the above “emoluments” clause. Nothing else. The
framers of the Constitution had faith that anyone elected to the presidency
would be of the highest moral character and that such detailed limitations were
simply unnecessary. How wrong they were.
While we have had presidents with
massive real estate holdings – very common among our Founding Fathers – and
presidents who come from massive family wealth, we’ve never had a president who
remains a continuing active owner and decider of a large financial empire. With
very few restrictions on his activities, Donald Trump has stepped out of
tradition by refusing to the limit his active connection with his financial
world. After promising to release his tax returns, normally and openly provided
by every president in recent history – returns that would reflect the kinds of
influences and business practices that could compromise the integrity of the
highest office in the land – we are seeing Trump’s “what is he hiding” refusal
to disclose.
But those ongoing Trump’s businesses
– especially those where people wanting to curry favor with the President of
the United States because they want something – are still generating revenues
to Mr. Trump. Hotels. Trademarks. Golf courses, resorts and country clubs.
Condominiums. These assets are not in a blind trust as has been the traditional
practice for folks with money as they assume the highest office in the land.
Money flows into The Donald’s pockets every day. And those seeking to use money
to influence US policy… well, it’s no secret.
But what exactly is an “emolument”? It’s an old word, generally filed
under the term “advantage,” but Merriam-Webster defines it as “the returns arising
from office or employment
usually in the form of compensation or perquisites.” It covers more than an
out-and-out bribe, a “pay for play” exchange, and it is not a campaign
contribution, because the inference is that the “returns” go directly into the
pockets of the relevant office-holder. Common sense tells you it is finding a
way to pay an office-holder under the guise of a legitimate business
transaction. That the recipient might “donate” the profits generated from some
of those dealings, itself a source of power, does not mitigate the underlying
potential for financial influence.
So, what happens when an interpretation of that word is issued by a
federal governmental agency, where its senior members are appointed by and
report to the president? Where that interpretation pretty much gives the
president a carte blanche to make money from his businesses? It stinks, I
suspect.
The April 9th Guardian (UK) explains the U.S.
Department of Justice’s formal opinion is on this nasty subject: “The Department of Justice has adopted
a narrow interpretation of a law meant to bar foreign interests from corrupting
federal officials, giving Saudi Arabia, China and other countries leeway to
curry favor with Donald Trump via deals with his hotels, condos,
trademarks and golf courses, legal and national security experts say.
“The so-called foreign emoluments
clause was intended to curb presidents and other government officials from
accepting gifts and benefits from foreign governments unless Congress consents.
“But in a forthcoming article in the Indiana Law Journal, the
Washington University Law professor Kathleen Clark reveals justice department
filings have recently changed tack. The new interpretation, Clark says, is
contained in justice filings responding to recent lawsuits lodged by attorneys
generals and members of Congress.
“Clark’s article notes that
in more than 50 legal opinions over some 150 years justice department lawyers
have interpreted the clause in a way that barred any foreign payments or gifts
except for ones Congress approved. But filings by the department since June
2017 reveal a new interpretation that ‘… would permit the president – and all
federal officials – to accept unlimited amounts of money from foreign
governments, as long as the money comes through commercial transactions with an
entity owned by the federal official,’ the professor writes.
“The justice department stance now closely
parallels arguments made in a January 2017 position paper by Trump Organization
lawyer Sheri Dillon and several of her law partners. On 11 January 2017, just
days before he was sworn in, Dillon said Trump isn’t accepting any payments in
his ‘official capacity’ as president, as the income is only related to his
private business. ‘Paying for a hotel room is not a gift or a present, and it
has nothing to do with an office,’ Dillon said.
“That goes against what many experts
believe… ‘For over a
hundred years, the justice department has strictly interpreted the
constitution’s anti-corruption emoluments clause to prohibit federal officials
from accepting anything of value from foreign governments, absent congressional
consent,’ Clark told the Guardian.
“‘In 2017, the department reversed
course, adopting arguments nearly identical to those put forward by Trump’s
private sector lawyers. Instead of defending the republic against foreign
influence, the department is defending Trump’s ability to receive money from foreign
governments,’ Clark added.” This is but one of many reasons why the United
States is seen (as The Economist
calls us) a “flawed democracy.” Why the United States is now increasingly
viewed as a plutocracy where once you reach a particular income level or
political office, the laws no longer apply to you. Like mega-wealthy Vladimir
Putin or Kim Jong-un, autocrats whose wealth grows by reason of their office.
But can you legitimize corruption? Or does the fish continue to stink from the
head.
I’m Peter Dekom, and there is a lot about our government today that
should make most of us ashamed of what we have become.
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