Thursday, April 2, 2020
Rally Around Me!
You are witnessing what political
scientists call a “rally around the flag” effect: Trump’s 60% approval for his
“leadership” in addressing the coronavirus pandemic and his 49% overall
approval level. This uniting to show solidarity against an obvious common
enemy, here COVID-19, has primarily been driven during times of war or attacks
against the nation. Absent success attributed to that leadership, that “glow”
generally disappears in a couple of months. The pandemic will dissipate,
although given the lackadaisical response of particularly smaller, more rural
(and politically conservative) states, where most shutdowns are left to
individual choice (currently 14 such jurisdictions), we are likely to see a
second wave of that virus, albeit at a lesser level than the initial tsunami.
China is experiencing that second wave now.
The ultimate aftermath here will show
an economy in shambles, particularly among businesses that rely(ied) on
gatherings of people (such as movie theaters, restaurants, sports and concert
arenas, hotels and resorts, airlines and cruise ships, theme parks, mall-based
retail, manufacturing plants where workers are side-by-side, department stores,
etc.). New habits will have developed, consumer patterns will have changed
(perhaps permanently) and even where there is a desire to go to a mass-person
event or venue, it will take time for people to generate confidence to tiptoe
back to what they once knew… if they ever reach those numbers again. All those
lost earnings will not spring back in an instant, with more than a little added
debt at every level.
Lots of businesses will have closed
or severely contracted and simply will not come back. Real estate deals/values,
particularly for average homebuyers and small businesses, will have contracted,
and until the earning power resumes to pay for new major acquisitions – homes,
new better rentals, cars, vacations involving significant costs, new clothes
(who needed clothes when staying at home?!), etc. – those aspects of the
economy will stagger back in recession recovery mode, which will be slower than
most people suspect.
How will Democrats hold a nominating
convention? Will red states allow votes by mail? How accurate is a census taken
during a pandemic? Can an incompetent president find reelection by rallying the
nation around himself and dominating the media (to the exclusion of opponents)?
Or will his failures be so glaring that he is unelectable? He’s letting states
bid against each other and FEMA for medical supplies, jacking up the price of
essentials, still is setting unrealistic “reopening” dates, has even shut down
new applications under the Affordable Care Act just when people need coverage
the most (some states are keeping their healthcare exchanges open for new
applicants) and is only beginning to see how devastating this “hoax” virus
really is. The only new Democratic heroes – New York’s Andrew Cuomo and
California’s Gavin Newsom – have media attention solely because of the COIVD-19
outbreak. Trump is taking credit for just about anything that creates a good
sound bite, supported by his cowering press briefing minions.
National emergencies have often given
rise to autocratic solutions. In ancient Rome, when a crisis unfolded, one
member of the Senate was selected to exercise preemptory powers as a unitary,
all-powerful, executive called “Caesar.” While those so selected were supposed
to return to their lower function as “Senator” after the crisis, that just did
not happen. The Caesars just stayed on until they died (sometimes with a little
external help).
But crises are one of the most common
forms enabling a transition from democracy (or “old regime rule”) to
dictatorship throughout history. Hitler is obvious, but there are plenty of
other 20th and 21st century examples as well. The
reaction to the current pandemic, where uniformity and lockdowns are needed to
stem the virus, is certainly no exception. Donald Trump’s “me and only me”
approach is actually a lesser example; he’s still in the category of autocrat
wannabe. Other democratic leaders have been much more successful in using the
COVID-19 outbreak as an excuse to crush democracy and their opposition and
install their dictatorship. With the rest of the world distracted with their
own issues, rising autocrats are often able to reshape their countries with
little or no internal or external resistance.
To Laura King, writing for the April
1st Los Angeles Times, the global trends are not pretty: “To battle
a spreading pandemic, democracies across the globe are turning to tools like
emergency proclamations, abrupt lockdowns and enhanced public surveillance. But
so are the world’s autocrats — and analysts say the burgeoning outbreak is
providing cover for some audacious power grabs… Alarmed critics have given the
phenomenon a scathing nickname: ‘coronavirus coup.’
“The latest example is in Hungary,
where parliament on Monday granted Prime Minister Viktor Orban sweeping new
authority to rule by decree for an unlimited period of time. Orban, already
engaged in a systematic campaign to consolidate his powers and stifle political
opposition, cited the need for heightened powers as a way to aggressively fight
the outbreak.
“‘Especially in weak democracies,
this is accelerating trends we were already seeing,’ said Sarah Repucci, who
heads the analytics department at Freedom House, a Washington-based watchdog
group that for years has documented the worldwide erosion of democracy… Repucci
cited Orban as among the autocrats using the virus as an excuse to accelerate
their repressive agendas. From Israel to Brazil, from the Philippines to Chile,
there are telltale signs of autocratic intent behind executive actions
ostensibly spurred by the coronavirus, analysts say. One is when measures
giving a leader more authority are open-ended, rather than being linked to an
easing of the outbreak.
“Another warning sign, according to
analysts, is when newly imposed government measures are specifically engineered
to resist oversight by courts or lawmakers, or appear to have little direct
connection to actual efforts to halt the spread of infection.
“In Israel, the coronavirus outbreak
came amid political deadlock, and at a perilous moment for Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu, who is under criminal indictment on charges of bribe-taking,
fraud and breach of trust. He denies any wrongdoing...While launching a
decisive early campaign to contain the virus’ spread, Netanyahu and his allies
put off the scheduled start of his trial by closing the courts, handed the
government unprecedented surveillance powers without parliamentary oversight
and blocked the convening of the new Knesset, or parliament, in which the
political opposition garnered a majority in March elections.
“Then, through canny maneuvering,
Netanyahu took advantage of a fractured opposition and managed to get his chief
rival, Benny Gantz, to agree to serve under him. The prime minister, the
country’s longest-serving leader, said the severity of the crisis demanded
unity; Gantz, a former army chief, employed a classic military metaphor to
explain his about-face, saying he did not want to be the one who refused to
help carry a stretcher off the battlefield.
“‘The word ‘magician’ is too weak to
describe this stunning achievement, which isn’t solely a result of his
political abilities,’ columnist Yossi Verter wrote in Monday’s [3/30] Haaretz
newspaper. The pandemic’s arrival in Israel, Verter wrote, was a matter of ‘inconceivably
perfect timing’ for Netanyahu, despite critics’ labeling his machinations a ‘coronavirus
coup.’
“Like the virus itself, power grabs
can take on the quality of a contagion, especially when established democracies
offer little in the way of pushback… ‘It’s a dangerous signal to aspiring
autocrats as to what they can get away with during this crisis,’ said R. Daniel
Kelemen, a professor of political science and law at Rutgers University,
pointing to the muted European Union response to Orban’s moves…
“In the Philippines, President
Rodrigo Duterte, notorious for extrajudicial executions at the hands of death
squads, has been given broad emergency powers to confront the health crisis,
although lawmakers balked at a provision that would have let him take over
private businesses. Even so, rights groups were alarmed by the expanded scope
of presidential authority.
“There are growing fears that some
leaders in Latin America could use coronavirus containment as a pretext to keep
a tight lid on dissent. In Chile, President Sebastián Piñera declared a 90-day ‘state
of catastrophe,’ which was likely to suppress the last vestiges of massive
street protests over economic inequality that ignited there in late 2019.
“In Bolivia, where President Evo
Morales was forced to resign and go into exile amid massive anti-government
demonstrations last year, presidential elections deemed crucial to restoring
stability have been postponed because of COVID-19…
“As late as last week [end of March],
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was putting an optimistic face on the
outbreak’s course… ‘By breaking the speed of the virus’ spread in two to three
weeks, we will get through this period with as little damage as possible,’
Erdogan, whose government has been accused of obscuring the scope of infections
and where they have taken place, said in a televised address March 25. [Sound
familiar?]
“Another leader who considers himself
a kindred spirit of Trump’s is encountering political headwinds over an
initially dismissive approach to the pandemic. Brazilian President Jair
Bolsonaro, who at one point referred to COVID-19 as ‘a little flu,’ has repeatedly
contradicted the guidelines of his Health Ministry, calling on people to return
to work and attend large gatherings.
“But like Trump, his approach has
proved polarizing. For weeks, tens of thousands of Brazilians in big cities
have leaned out their windows each night, banging pots to protest against the
president. Bolsonaro’s supporters, meanwhile, drive through the streets in cars
draped in the national flag, honking horns to show their support for the
president and their anger at business closures.”
Given the deep levels of polarization
here in the US, the unprecedented levels of income inequality, the macro-trends
of further empowering the economic elite (from massive tax cuts to
disproportionate political influence a la Citizens United vs FEC), to
gerrymandering and voting restrictions (such that The Economist now
lists the United States officially as a “flawed democracy”) allowing minority
rule, make no mistake, the United States has become a “weak democracy,” that is
susceptible to autocratic rule. It definitely can happen here.
I’m
Peter Dekom, and the COVID-19 outbreak could have truly been a unifier for all
Americans, but Donald Trump has insured it has not and never will bring us all
back as the United States of America; maybe someone else can.
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